|
|
|
ignant
from fooby on 2001-09-18 00:17 [#00033292]
|
|
well thats why we have not seen any bombings as of yet so less cats will die...
so good for Bush and his patients.. he is being smart about this thats why nothing drastic has been done...
|
|
f.l.e.a
from NZ on 2001-09-18 00:19 [#00033294]
|
|
If they wanted you to know they will leave a more explicit message like a statement..they wouldn't want you to interpret their very last deed through a series of clues and foreshadowings..terrorists sometimes phone in their mission statements a few minute before they strike...get with the program..this is not an Agatha Christie TV special...yes they were middle eastern..yes they were mad, crazy, evil but what they did..and why they did it..is a huge mystery to everyone, most of all to muslims..don't you see even the least bit bent in this equation..
|
|
ignant
from fooby on 2001-09-18 00:23 [#00033296]
|
|
read this it may shed some light:
well thepoint is, some arabs with screws loose took over planes with knives and planted them into the TWC and the pentagon, and Bin Laden is behind it peroid. Just the fact that he feels the need to go deeper into hiding and have his gov make rash statments like, any country that hlpe the Us find out who was really behind this tragedy will be punished by us.. derrr.. why you fretting if you didnt do it.. GUILTY...and why do they now agree to hand over bin laden, I have heard rumors that he did all this to get rich off the huge stock market crash, wich would upturn the exchange rate and hopefull make him richer, this is what I heard. What a hippo if he had his people die not for religiuos reason but to make him rich, its like out of James Bond.
|
|
avalanches
on 2001-09-18 00:24 [#00033297]
|
|
f.l.e.a. there's no need to repeat things we've all heard on television and radio
|
|
f.l.e.a
from NZ on 2001-09-18 00:27 [#00033298]
|
|
while we are going apeshit with plots out of movies..here's another one
maybe the CIA did it..to increase their budgets..the defence spending..getting the world warmed up to the idea of Starwars..to ge the monsyllabic asshole Bush bigger voteshare in a city where he has the least support...etc etc etc
|
|
THISWUNSOPTIMISTIC.
on 2001-09-18 00:29 [#00033301]
|
|
flea: Agreed. It seems a bit too *convenient* that aQuran AND an Arabic flightmanual were found in that car. There's so much wrong with that, I don't know where to start. I mean, the guy wouldn't be driving around with that manual (even for last-minute "cramming") when there was the threat of national intelligence being onto him. There are other reasons to doubt this, but I really can't be arsed to make a list. Basically, it doesn't make a lot of sense. Unless the alleged "Islamic fundamentalists" WANTED this stuff to be found.
|
|
avalanches
on 2001-09-18 00:30 [#00033302]
|
|
flea, that was tv again, can we have something original please? :)
|
|
f.l.e.a
from NZ on 2001-09-18 00:30 [#00033303]
|
|
to avalanches...nobody's get any problems with endless repetions of WAR yeah!!!..lets nuke the middle east etc..etc..why do you have problems with repititon of dissenting views then?
|
|
avalanches
on 2001-09-18 00:34 [#00033305]
|
|
flea, i'm not against it, it's just that i've already watched tv.
|
|
f.l.e.a
from NZ on 2001-09-18 00:36 [#00033306]
|
|
TOWUNOPTIMIST...yes it's fucking strange...everyone's busy shouting down TALEBAN..and claiming they are refusing..I actually haven't seen them change the stance from day one..hand us concrete proof and we will hand Bin Laden over..somehow that keep getting translated into Fuck you we are not handing Bin Laden now wait while we turn around and undo our trousars so you can come over with throbbing war machines and fuck our whole population up the arse..why is that? is anyone paying attention to this point?
|
|
avalanches
on 2001-09-18 00:38 [#00033307]
|
|
not paying attention to you, that's for damn sure
|
|
f.l.e.a
from NZ on 2001-09-18 00:39 [#00033308]
|
|
yes avalanches..you have seen a lot of TV and not much else..did you realise that one of the supposed Hijackers that actually supposedly died is sitting in Jeddah is Saudi Arabia with his wife and four kids and a secure job with Saudi airlines going..hello..I am here..I am alive..I haven't left my country or my family for a few years..hello..anyone listening?
|
|
ignant
from fooby on 2001-09-18 00:40 [#00033309]
|
|
thats stupidty, we did it.. mmmm no... 19 wacked out arabians with ties to Bin Laden did it.. and if you recall there was about 100 calls made during this tragedy of different groups the first I heard was some middle east millitant group with ties to Bin Laden, (I can not remember the name) they plan worked a little to well he actually pulled it off, got scared and started denying it....started getting heat from other arabian countries... think back to the 93 attempted bombings which failed and that the ones who treid to pull it off were caught and sentecnec not to long after the new TWC happened, they did threaten to retaliate if the ones convicted were not returned.. so thats a good reason there isnt it, and also why is Afganny maybe thinking about turning over Bin Laden?? what do they know and how would they go about doing that being they have no ties to him.. hmmmmmm
|
|
avalanches
on 2001-09-18 00:43 [#00033311]
|
|
flea, your reptition still hasn't got my attention.
|
|
Bill HIcks
from Houston Texas on 2001-09-18 00:45 [#00033315]
|
|
bill hicks died "convieniently" in under 6 months of cancer, this was after months of his bashing the "BUSH" whenever he had a microphone. His deeper message was that the government that is in control is not what we are able to see, the government that is in control are people who want to eliminate freedom of speech and other civil liberties because it poses a threat to their lives.
That being said, G Bush Jr shouldn't have one this election, i am not saying that Gore should have. Bush was hand picked by a stronger force.
This stronger force is the one that allowed this to happen to america, the end result it clear
AMERICANS/Socitey if you want your freedom and safety to be ensured, you must allow us to enforce your way of living
and what does the average american at the airport say?
I dont mind being told what to do because its for my safety.
Thats the mentality that they want us to have,
keep us afraid, keep us stupid
Give us a scapegoat - Osama
kill him and we will be happy to do as you say because you are the great saviors.
Anyone who believes that AFGANASTAN can do real damage is just stupid. The people in charge are not americans but they can easily destroy the enemies and keep the "super powers" population subdued in hope of showing the world how to act civilized.
Bin laden is no threat, afganastan is not a threat, the people who allowed this to happen are the threat to our society and our freedom
why does the CIA have so much classified information when it is obvious that they really dont know anything?
Winning this war would be quick this way --- Nuke attack afganastan and offer Bush up as a sacrifice to the world as their retribution. Then there would be no loss of innocent life. The RDJ could assume the position of president.
|
|
f.l.e.a
from NZ on 2001-09-18 00:46 [#00033317]
|
|
TALIBAN offered to hand him over hours after the attack..they were just a bit better at putting 2 and 2 together and seeing the framing and coverup was heading..yes Osama is a menace more so to Islam than to America...he's got a big mouth and a big purse..a lot of the fanatics he funds actually go around killing moderate muslims..something deserves to happen to him in like the next 5 seconds..but the problem is that..he is a fanatic...his followers are fanatics..they will kill people with moral constitutions of the highjackers at the drop of a hat..funding them is just a wee bit strange..that's just my opinion..after being chased around and shot at by fanatics..that's all...
|
|
f.l.e.a
from NZ on 2001-09-18 00:51 [#00033320]
|
|
RIYADH, Sept 16: Saudi Arabian media has taken strong exception to the reports that the men involved in the hijacking of the ill-fated flights from Boston, the United States, were from Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates and that at least five of them had attended flight training schools.
Reports carried here today have raised questions about the names currently being circulated by the FBI and the US media in connection with the catastrophe in New York and Washington.
Reports here indicate that those alleged to be hijackers, in US media reports quoting FBI and other agencies ongoing investigations, were basically students on scholarships enrolled in courses unrelated to aviation.
Referring to Abdulrahman S. Alomari, alleged by the US media as part of the team involved in hijackings, reports here identified him as a Saudi Arabian Airlines pilot and father of four living in Jeddah. He was reported to be aware of his name being mentioned in the list and appeared ready to cooperate fully with the investigators.
A FBI bulletin also mentioned to be on lookout for a silver coloured 1996 Chrysler Plymouth car and its possible driver, Amer Kamfar, a flight engineer who lived in Vero Beach, Florida. Kamfar had listed the post office box for Saudi Arabian Airlines as his address on his commercial pilot's license.
Kamfar reportedly returned to Makkah a month ago and sources close to him have confirmed that he never owned a Chrysler Plymouth while in the United States.
He is also ready to extend all his cooperation to the investigators. Another Saudi national under spotlight as witness in the US is Adnan Bukhari who as per the reports here was a trainee pilot.
Meanwhile, the Philippines immigration detained Saudi national Muhammad Bukhari. A Saudi Arabian Airlines pilot by profession.
He was questioned, when he checked in at Manila airport to fly a scheduled Saudia flight to Riyadh on Saturday afternoon.
On Thursday night CNN apologized for reporting that Ameer Bukhari, a Saudi pilot trainee who died in the crash of a small plane, was involved in any way with the hijackings. CNN's website has apparently not been updated to remove Ameer Bukhari's photo and the false reports about him.
Saudi Arabian Airlines pilots have reacted furiously to the portrayal they have received in CNN and the US media in general.
Investigations here have also reported that Mohammad Atta and Marwan Al-Shehhi, who have been accused of being pilots involved in the hijackings, could not be described as devout and practicing Muslims.
While the two UAE nationals are remembered from their days in Germany as preferring to wear traditional Arab dress, while they were in the USA they switched wearing western attire, and were even noticed drinking in bars, reports carried by the media here confirmed.
UNABLE TO BELIEVE: A Saudi father whose sons are on the Pentagon list of suspected attackers of Tuesday's attacks in the United States has said he can't believe this is true, the Saudi newspaper Al-Iqtisadij reported on Sunday, adds dpa.
"Maybe they were other people bearing the same name," quoted Mohammed el-Shiri, whose sons Walid, 24, and Wael, 26, are among the suspects. Their family, who live in Khamis Mashit in the south of the kingdom, said they hadn't had any contact with the two for months. His two sons had told him that they wanted to travel to Medina to consult an Islamic healer, the father said. Wael had suffered from a mental illness. Both his sons were unmarried.
LEGAL AID FOR DETAINED: Several Saudi citizens have been detained in the United States for questioning about Tuesday's attacks on New York and Washington, a Saudi newspaper reported on Sunday.
The paper Okaz quoted Saudi Foreign Minister Prince Saud al Faisal saying that authorities in the United States informed Saudi Arabia about the detention of several Saudi suspects.
He did not gave the number of suspects detained but said that Saudi Arabia has appointed lawyers for the detainees. The minister said Saudi Arabia is checking the list of people killed in the terrorist plane crashes to see if any Saudi citizens were on the lists.
Saudi Arabia has condemned the attacks and has pledged cooperation with Washington to fight terrorism.
|
|
ignant
from fooby on 2001-09-18 00:52 [#00033321]
|
|
you sound like a fanatic pointing fingers at ourslef it looks like maybe you had somthing to do with it, becuasse you seem to know so much about this and that.. see where that goes.. come on, evidence people, they have not agreed to hand him over until today, it looks like some Taliban clerks agree with the idea.. so they know what happened also.. he is the one..dont be such a simple minded person and beleive everything some extreme militia group tells you, its our government please... The stuuf I know and see are from the ones who where there, I.E. phone scalls made, telling exaclty who was taking over the plane and why, I bleive they have info form the terrosists overheard from cell phone converstaions abut there reasons and what not.. just wait you will hear more.
|
|
ignant
from fooby on 2001-09-18 00:58 [#00033324]
|
|
yes they had forged pilot liscenses hence the name mix ups...
I thought they covered that. All they above has already been explained..
|
|
f.l.e.a
from NZ on 2001-09-18 01:02 [#00033326]
|
|
I know so much about this and that because I come from a muslim country and was hounded the fanatics till I left that country..I know so much about this and that because I don't sit back and buy everything the TV tells me..none the information I have got isn't anything you couldn't have gotten if you decided to look at a few different websites on the web..it's not classified information or anything..DUH..I am looking around because I am trying hard to make sense of this all..and am about to see my ancestoral home blown to bits because a group of stupid evil bastards simultaneously commited a most heinous crime for no discernable reason..but perhaps..drug induced suicidal madness...it certainly wasnt the religion!!
that's the only point I am trying to make and wondering why I should try and make it to you?..I am just trying to work it out for my self so I can't think about bombs landing about 20 kms away from where my mother is living..
|
|
ignant
from fooby on 2001-09-18 01:02 [#00033327]
|
|
what better way to infiltrate thant to look WESTERN? maybe some were radical some where along for the $$$ like the ones they pulled off the plane in St. Louis or train in Texas, it will take awhile I mean come one, its has only been a week...your ging to hear mistake after mistake being made, thanks to the media, dont listen to them... go by your gut, and filter out the nonsense.
|
|
f.l.e.a.
from NZ on 2001-09-18 01:04 [#00033328]
|
|
IraqSaddam Husain
Background to the Gulf War and the Iraq-Kuwait frontier question
? Iraq's past is for me a subject of intimate personal concern. We all share in a concern for its present.
It is a name that defines one of the earliest city states of the 4th millennium BC, Uruk in its ancient form, birthplace of the written word. It is a place that embraces Sumer and Accad of the Bible, Babylon and Assyria, Gilgamesh the divine king of legend, and the great Ark of the Deluge, Ziusudra of long life, Abraham the father figure of Judaism, Christianity and Islam. A subject that reflects in its clay inscribed legends the formative stirrings of civilisation, the conflicts and achievements of the world's most ancient communities, born of mighty rivers, rich pastures, arid deserts, primordial cities; a myriad towers of Babel sending bellicose messages to angry, impenitent, and proud people.
And most importantly, it is a matter of professional pride, since four of my biographical subjects were key figures in the country's lurch to modern statehood. Present day disputes owe as much to them as to Iraq's fiery and at times homicidal politicians.
Gertrude Bell, Al Khatun, 'the great lady' of the Arab lands before and during the First World War, was adviser to the British policy makers of the time, Churchill, Curzon, Percy Cox and AT Wilson. In the post World War I days of Lloyd George's coalition government, she sat with Arab tribal leaders to draw the frontiers between Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Syria and Kuwait, trying to ensure that the interests of both desert and the sown, as well as those of adjoining lands, were adequately represented in their deliberations. In December 1921 she wrote a letter home in which she said: 'I had a well spent morning at the office making out the Southern desert frontier of the Iraq with the help of a gentleman from Hail (capital of northern Nejd, now Saudi Arabia) and Fahd Bey the paramount chief of the Anezeh [tribe]'. A year later she wrote: 'Ibn Saud has captured Hail...Sir Percy has invited him to come into conference...and I've been laying out on the map what I think should be our desert boundaries'.
Captain WHI Shakespear, one of the finest of British consuls in the East, was sent to Kuwait at the instant of great power competition for hegemony in the Persian Gulf, as the bulwark of British authority. He became the close friend and political guide of Ibn Saud, the founding king of Saudi Arabia. He died fighting alongside his Saudi friend in 1915, in battle with the Sauds' traditional enemy, Ibn Rashid.
Colonel Gerard Leachman was the man the troops chose to call 'OC Desert' in wartime days when the place was known to the outside world as Mesopotamia, though it was officially a collection of districts or vilayets of the Ottoman Empire. He and Shakespear vied with each other to explore central Arabia on behalf of the London and Indian branches respectively of the General Staff. Leachman, bravest and most cavalier of soldiers, was desert companion of Gertrude Bell's friend Fahd Bey and fought with the mighty Muntafiq tribal federation in war. He was the first military governor of Kurdistan immediately after. And he was murdered in a feud with another tribal leader at the moment of Iraq's rebirth.
Sir Leonard Woolley, the distinguished British archaeologist, worked with TE Lawrence at Carchemish before the 1914 war, and after the war at Tal al-Amarna (Akhetaten) in Egypt, birthplace of Tutankhamun. He served as a military intelligence officer in both world wars. He uncovered Ur of the Chaldees in southern Iraq, reputed birthplace of the patriarch Abraham, just as the country regained its independence under a British imposed monarch after the best part of a thousand years of foreign occupation.
The modern history of Iraq is coloured by the remarkable Britons who carried the flag, not always impartially or even legally, at the heart of Islam in the last three decades of the Ottoman power's six centuries of rule. It is coloured, too, by military coups and political scams, by invasion, war and politically inspired homicide on a truly Roman scale. And from the Thatcher years on, it has lived with the fundamental presumption that one man - President of the Council of Ministers Saddam Husain al Takriti - is responsible for the nation's obloquy. He alone, they insist, is culpable, standing between peace and prosperity and an isolated Iraq in a world that has exhausted its patience.
Dividing the Ottoman Turkey
In the bitter disputes that have accompanied the Gulf War and its aftermath, the facts of geography and history have led Iraq into an abyss of suffering, yet they have seldom been touched on in the media or in political debate. Even the academic world, with all the time, material and expertise that it is able to call on, continues to avoid the crucial questions and instead devotes its Middle East 'studies' almost exclusively to the sadly oversubscribed pursuit of antiquated Foreign and Colonial Office myths, setting its degree dissertations and post-graduate studies solidly on a 'Lawrence of Arabia' footing.
The real story of Iraq, as of all the Arab nations that were spawned by the dismemberment of the Ottoman power, is bound up with the turmoil of war [and conflicting wartime agreements that are dealt with in the following essay in this series 'Syria'], the religious divide of Islam, the advent of oil wealth, and the related question of the frontiers that Gertrude Bell and her Arab friends drew up at the insistence of Colonial Secretary Winston Churchill in 1921. That, one would think, would be substance enough for a few doctoral theses.
On the surface at least, some of the bloodiest internal battles of Iraq's last 80 years, giving rise to a succession ofbitterly antagonistic regimes, have been fomented not by the wealth created by enormous oil reserves but by obtuse nationalistic arguments and esoteric power struggles within close-knit family and military cliques.
Modern times
Iraq's modern history of military and civil disruption began on 23 August 1921 when the Hashemite Faisal ibn Husain, son of the Sharif of Mecca and prot?g? of Lawrence and Gertrude Bell, was crowned king of the new Iraq, some three years before the first elected assembly sat in Baghdad in March 1924.
The crowning of Faisal in recognition of the so-called Sharifian wartime agreement of 1916-17 was not quite the sign of the independence that most Iraqis had set their hearts on. Britain as the mandatory power still had authority in essential matters of defence and foreign affairs, and to a large extent it held the purse strings. At the time of the king's accession, Sir Percy Cox the High Commissioner summoned Arab chiefs from every part of the region to a conference at Ujair in the Saudi region of al-Hasa to define their frontiers. A true Harrovian, he addressed them as though they were errant schoolboys and brushed aside most of their complaints. At that desert meeting - tents were hurriedly erected to house the several delegations - the frontiers of Nejd (Saudi Arabia), Iraq, Syria, Transjordan and Kuwait were pronounced. The Saudi/Iraq frontier was confirmed in the Treaty of Mohammarah (Khoramshah) of May 1922. Ibn Saud complained bitterly about the loss of grazing rights in the borderland with Kuwait, however, and a codicil established a Neutral Zone at the western extremity of Kuwait, in which no permanent structures of any kind were to be built and in which the Badu were to be allowed to roam freely. Asked what was the real reason for this addition to the treaty, Cox murmured to colleagues something about oil.
'Legitimate but insubstantial'
Kuwait, the richest territory in the world acre for acre, once claimed by the Turks as part of the vilayet of Basra, became an established British protectorate in 1913. A Foreign Office pr?cis writer in a memo for the guidance of Liberal Foreign Secretary Sir Edward Grey summarised the position with wonderfully contrived ambivalence: 'Turkey's claim to Kuwait', he wrote 'is legitimate but insubstantial'. The claim, whatever its merits, was to prove the crux of repeated conflicts between Iraq and its Gulf neighbour, leading eventually to war with Britain, America and the United Nations. When Saddam Husain al Takriti came to power in 1979 at the head of a government composed of family retainers, army officers and a few respected academics, his first act was to announce that Kuwait, snatched from its parent's arms in 1913 by Britain, must be returned to the mother country. It was a somewhat unpolished version of the actual event but it remains a central and dangerous ingredient of Iraqi policy and deserves close scrutiny.
Gunboat diplomacy and Kuwait
At the turn of the century the Royal Navy maintained control of the Persian Gulf with three patrol ships, only one of which - HMS Lapwing - was on permanent duty. Kuwait, whose ruler Shaikh Mubarak as-Sabah was politically powerful and devious, sought British protection in the face of increasing pressure to make land concessions to Germany, Russia and other powers.
In January 1902 the sole imperial power with a legitimate presence in the region, Turkey, pressured by European, particularly German interests intent on using Kuwait as the terminus for the Berlin-Baghdad railway, sent an invasion force from Basra to occupy the Kuwaiti territories of Safwan, Um Qasr and Bubiyan island. A small RN contingent was landed and the invaders fled. In September of the same year an attempt to take Kuwait by coup de main was led by two of Mubarak's disaffected nephews who were exiled in Basra, Adhfi bin Muhammad and Hamud bin Jarrah. Invading boums carrying 150 well armed tribesmen were intercepted by HMS Lapwing whose captain, Commander Armstrong, returned them uncomfortably to Basra and burnt their boats at sea. But a British sailor was killed in the engagement. Retribution was swift and punishment was visited by the navy on all the Gulf towns and villages that were suspected of complicity in the invasion.
In October 1902 French and Russian warships appeared in the Gulf and stood off Kuwait. The then Foreign Secretary, Lord Lansdowne, described the position as 'unsatisfactory'. Mubarak took fright and Britain, concerned that he might abdicate and leave a vacuum in a strategically vital spot, guaranteed Kuwait's security on condition that he remained in office. His sons and nephews, mostly living in Iraq, were not to be trusted. Thus was established Britain's unofficial protectorate of Kuwait at the time of 'Mubarak the Great', at the start of Arthur Balfour's four-year tenancy of 10 Downing Street.
Kuwait's divided loyalty
Kuwait's divided loyalty remained in a state of near equilibrium for the next decade, though the subject became increasingly sensitive as Germany began to seek American, French and Russian support for the Berlin-Baghdad rail scheme. But there was another cause for concern. 1904 was the year of the massive Persian oil strike by the D'arcy consortium in neighbouring Abadan, the Royal Navy's lifeline and the precursor of the Anglo-Persian Oil Company (BP today).
Campbell-Bannerman's Liberal ministry took office in 1906 and at the end of the previous year Curzon, Kitchener and members of the Indian Council, anticipating the abdication of the Conservatives, wrote to the Government to stress the importance of Ibn Saud in any discussions affecting the future of the Ottoman dominions. Ibn Saud of Riyadh and his hereditary enemy Ibn Rashid of Hail began to seek the backing of European powers in their struggle for ascendancy in Nejd (Central Arabia). The latter made several attempts to occupy Kuwait. Large quantities of contraband arms found their way to the Gulf and central Arabia from Europe (20,000 rifles were smuggled into Muscat alone in 1904-5). In the confusion of internal and great power conflict, Britain decided that it had better put its own house in order in the Gulf and the Arabian heartland.
In 1907 Britain signed a secret agreement with Shaikh Mubarak, known as the Bandar Shuwaikh Lease. The Shaikh was paid the desultory sum of £100 for rights in perpetuity over the piece of land that the European powers wanted to use as the Berlin-Baghdad terminus. And in 1909, the Indian Government appointed the brightest and most formidable of its younger political officers, Captain William Henry Irvine Shakespear, to the Kuwait Political Agency. The man he replaced, a quiet, efficient and pleasant lawyer officer, Colonel SG Knox, had told the Resident in the Gulf, Major Percy Cox, 'I am afraid the Shaikh is intriguing in all directions'. Rather than sympathising with his subordinate, Cox sent his deputy Shakespear to replace the worried Knox. Within five years Shakespear made his Agency the most respected of all the outposts of the Indian Government and he was ready to make one of the great exploratory crossings of Arabia Deserta, from Kuwait to Riyadh and thence northward to Hail and on to Egypt, to learn from that other imperious Resident, Kitchener, of Britain's war plans.
Decline and fall of the Ottoman Empire
As we have seen, 1913 marked the beginning of Britain's premeditated plan to control access to Kuwait whatever the rights or wrongs of Turkish claims to suzerainty. The need for such a plan was underlined by events both distant and immediate. Europe openly prepared for war. Turkey, faced with the hostility of the major European powers, had lost the Balkan War and thus the last of the European possessions of the Ottoman Empire. But the Sultan of Turkey remained the steward of the Islamic Caliphate and Kuwait joined other Arab countries and the rest of the Moslem world in an appeal for funds to aid the wounded. Loss of European dominions, however, weakened the remnants of the old guard at Constantinople. A coup brought the Young Turks to power, though the old guard clung to a few vital offices. German engineers directed by the master rail builder Meissner Pasha had completed the hajj or pilgrim railroad from Damascus to the Prophet's city of Madina. Now Meissner hurried to complete the Berlin-Baghdad rail link.
Oil in Kuwait?
In October 1913 a deputation of oil experts, sent from India, was met at Muhammerah by Rear-Admiral Sir Edmund Slade, ex director of the Naval Staff College, a man widely mistrusted in senior naval circles, aboard HMS Sphinx. Delegates were taken to Kuwait where Captain Shakespear showed its members the place of bitumen, Burgan. The delegation's leader, HH Hayden, thought the chance of an oil strike 'favourable'. Whitehallprepared to nationalise the Anglo-Persian Oil Company. And at the end of the year Captain Shakespear was given permission by the Foreign Office to make his epic journey across the Arabia Peninsula and to hold discussions with the 'Desert Prince' Ibn Saud on the way. Before his departure there were a few minor matters to be settled: the arrival of a Turkish mission and an attempt to persuade the Shaikh to 'recognise Turkish authority'. To further delay the traveller's itinerary a second oil delegation turned up from India, and not for the first time the Political Agent had to settle a dispute between the two power brokers of the region, Shaikhs Mubarak and Khazal.
Secret agreements
It was against this background, that discussions began in Constantinople and London between the Foreign Office and the Turkish prime minister elect, Hakki Pasha, in order to formulate an Anglo-Turkish Convention.
It was a time of widespread exploratory discussions that anticipated the First World War. As Shakespear made his way across the desert to Riyadh and thence to Hail, the northern Arabian capital of Ibn Rashid, the Sharif of Mecca's second son Abdullah arrived in Cairo to talk with Kitchener. There were other remarkably coincident events. Percy Cox was called from the Gulf Residency to India to take over the Simla Foreign Office from Sir Henry McMahon, while Britain's most experienced and respected senior diplomat in the east, JG Lorimer, took Cox's place at Bushire. Lorimer died mysteriously in his office just after arriving in the Gulf, allegedly from a self-inflicted gun wound. Gertrude Bell left England after a private dinner with Prime Minister Asquith, on her way to Hail, and Hakki Pasha visited London for talks with Sir Edward Grey. Each event marked a piece of the jigsaw that would decide who supported whom in a war now seen as inevitable. Sir Edward Grey told Parliament that Britain had 'nothing to fear from Turkey'. In March 1914 the Anglo-Turkish Convention was signed in London, delivering part of southern Arabia and Kuwait to Britain while acknowledging Turkish authority over Ibn Saud's territory of Najd. The three chief administrative districts of Mesopotamia - Mosul, Baghdad and Basra - remained integral parts of Turkey in Asia.
Desert politics
Colonel Grey, Shakespear's successor in Kuwait, was sent into the desert to meet with Ibn Saud and tell him that in the light of negotiations taking place in London he could 'expect no help from Britain' and that he must sign a Turco-Saudi treaty that formed part of the Anglo-Turkish pact. Observers recorded that the desert negotiators almost came to blows.
Mubarak as-Sabah of Kuwait, described as the 'Richelieu of Arabia', was aware of what was going on; he had already signed an agreement with the TurkishWali of Basra while protesting to Grey that he remained loyal to Britain.
The Anglo-Turkish Convention drove a wedge between Kuwait and its Saudi neighbour and alienated Ibn Saud who, according to Shakespear, sought alliance with Britain above all else, but it achieved its main purpose of delivering the strategically vital territory at the head of the Persian Gulf to Britain and protected the Royal Navy's oil supply. When Shakespear returned at the end of 1914 as Britain's 'Political Officer on Special Duty in Arabia' he discovered that the British force which took Basra in November had uncovered a copy of the treaty Britain had compelled Ibn Saud to sign with Turkey. By then Britain had reversed its policy and Shakespear was sent to seek the Saudis' goodwill. He wrote of the FO's 'disastrous policy' but assured Whitehall 'Bin Saud is with us'. A few days later, on 24 January, he was killed in a desert battle, fighting alongside Ibn Saud, the man he believed would inherit Arabia, against the pro-Turk Ibn Rashid.
Thus was unravelled the question of who ruled over whom in the Arabian Peninsula. In truth, the position that Iraq inherited from Ottoman Turkey, setting aside the matter of victory or defeat in war, was this: in 1914, at the outbreak of the First World War, Central Arabia, a region about the size of India, was part of the vilayet of Basra as recognised in the Anglo-Turkish Convention. Kuwait, about the size of Yorkshire, was an independent Moslem state protected by Britain.
Whichever way it is viewed, the Turks signed away their 'legitimate' right to Kuwait. And they joined the wrong side in war. Such are not exactly persuasive arguments for Iraq's persistent assertion that Kuwait belongs to her, by default of Turkish ownership as it were. But some of the coastal areas closest to Iraq such as Safwan and Um Qasr which they invaded in 1902 and briefly occupied, were pencilled into Gertrude's map as 'Iraqi territory' when the time came for Britain to hand over.
Independent Iraq
As for the sequel, Iraq was admitted as an independent state to the League of Nations in 1932, two years after a treaty of alliance had been signed with Britain. The old vilayet of Mosul, though claimed by a resurgent Turkey, had become part of the new Iraq as the result of a League edict of 1925. Nevertheless, the northern city of Mosul at the heart of the Kurdish region had never willingly been associated with Iraq. Even as far back as the second millennium BC its precursor Nineveh was one of the chief cities of Assyria, always at loggerheads with Babylon in the south. And in the long centuries of Ottoman rule it was an integral vilayet of Turkey, though as the political centre of Kurdistan, with which the Turks were seldom on the best of terms, it was effectively the capital city of an outcast region. The Turkey of Ataturk protested loudly when it was made part of Iraq, and if now Saddam Husain seeks the status quo ante in the old vilayet of Basra (though he doesn't it seems lay claim to Saudi Arabia which Britain insisted was part of the Basra vilayet), he should accept in reason and logic that, by the same token, the Mosul region must be returned to Turkey.
So too, in the aftermath of Britain's mandate, Sunni and Shi'a Moslems were at loggerheads with each other and with Christian minorities. A massacre of Assyrians (Christians) was committed by Iraqi troops in 1933. Tribal revolts followed in 1935/6, in which year General Bakr Sidqi achieved power by coup d'etat. The usurper was himself murdered in the following year. Two pipelines, laid down in the 1930s for taking oil to Tripoli and Haifa from recently discovered deposits at Kirkuk and Basra, created the ideal conditions for international interference and internal dissent. But it was British policy in Palestine, regarded throughout the Arab world as transparently pro-Zionist, that caused momentous shifts in Iraq's external relations. The arrangements made by Britain in the aftermath of war were increasingly held up to scrutiny. The power of the Hashemite royal family diminished and politically the country came ever closer to Germany.
At the start of World War 2 Iraq decided to renounce its German connections but another military coup in 1941 led to the accession of a government headed by Rashid Ali al-Gaylani whose pro-German sympathies were well known. A few months later British troops occupied Baghdad and Basra for the second time in less than 30 years.
The pro-British regime declared war on Germany and its allies in 1943. At the end of the war the country signed the United Nations Charter. In 1948 a new treaty was agreed with Britain, known as the 'Portsmouth' treaty, taking the place of the 1930 accord.
Israel, oil wealth and strife
The Arab-Israeli war of the same year, 1948, marked a watershed which still permeates life and thought throughout the Arab world. Iraq had always been home to a sizeable and influential Jewish population, some serving in government, and a good number occupying positions of financial and economic strength. From then on began a wholesale Jewish exodus to Israel. Riots and general disaffection seemed to go hand in hand with economic well being after oil came on stream from Mosul and new pipelines were laid. However there were constructive uses. Flood barriers were built on the Tigris and Euphrates to the economic benefit of the country. The Baghdad Pact of 1955, soon extended to include Pakistan and Iran, was seen as a defensive barrier against Soviet incursion, and American approval was unqualified. Britain and America sent delegates to the Council meetings. Suez, however, proved to be another breaking point in a stop-go story. Iraq told its Arab neighbours that it would take no further part in Council meetings while British delegates were present.
The United Arab Republic of Egypt and Syria soon came face to face with the Arab Federation of Iraq and Jordan, formed in 1958. A federal constitution of the latter states was agreed, though the Hashemite kings, Faisal II of Iraq and Hussain of Jordan, would retain their thrones independently. The overthrow of the monarchy so lovingly installed by Britain in 1921, followed. Faisal II was murdered along with the Crown Prince and Nuri as-Sa'id, the man who had led the Arab revolt and won immortality in the pages of 'Seven Pillars of Wisdom'. The bodies of princes and war hero were dragged through the streets of Baghdad to the cheers of the populace. Iraq became a republic.
The Baath Party and dictatorship
Events that followed are well recorded and bloody. In succession came Abdal Kassem and the Abadan oil crisis of 1957, the memory etched on the public mind of a single tanker trying in vain to discharge its cargo at one port after another in defiance of the United Nations. Then came the first attack on Kuwait in 1961 and the Kurdish rebellion in the same year, the overthrow and murder of Kassem in 1963, the rise of a new dictatorship formed of the Iraq arm of the Baath Party (founded in Syria in 1941) and army officers led by Colonel Aref (the new President) and Ahmad Bakr who became First Minister. In 1964 Iraq became a one-party state known by decree as The Arab Socialist Union. Banks and large commercial conglomerates were nationalised. And in the next two years a new prime minister with a military provenance, Brigadier Aref Abdal Razzaq vied with President Aref for ultimate power. Against a backcloth of Kurdish rebellion and a bitter oil dispute with neighbour Syria, there was yet another coup in 1968 with ex-prime minister General Ahmad Hassan al-Bakr taking over the Presidency from Aref who, unusually, was allowed to choose exile rather than death. For the first time Kurds were brought into a reformed, anti-corruption government.
In fact, hope of political stability was short lived. Exactly thirteen days after the new government was sworn in it was dismissed by the President who promptly took on the roles of prime minister and commander-in-chief of the armed forces. Another army general, Hardan Takriti, became al-Bakr's chief lieutenant. Within weeks, western residents were expelled from the country, a former Foreign Minister, Nasser al-Hani was murdered, and other ex-ministers were imprisoned. In January 1969, 14 men were sentenced to death for spying for Israel, mostly Jews but some Moslems among them.
The Baathist al-Bakr government survived until 1979, when the President announced his retirement. It had adopted a provisional constitution in 1968 that read:
The Iraq Republic is a popular democratic state. Islam is the state religion and the basis of its laws and constitution. The political economy of the state is founded in socialism...
President Saddam
Following al-Bakr's resignation the reins of power were seized by his 42 year-old deputy Saddam Husein al-Takriti, most enduring and ruthless of modern dictators. The consequences for Iraq itself and for the Kurdish people in particular have been harsh. But it cannot be argued that Saddam's intransigence and suspicion of the people around him are altogether without cause. He has won respect among Arab leaders for one cause if no other, his unwillingness to bow down before Israeli and American presumption. And the tempest of that one-sided alliance has been visited on Iraq in consequence. It is hard to say what effect a more equitable and far-seeing approach by the West might have had on the psychology of Iraq's leadership and on the country's external relationships.
For the present Al-Iraq remains a pariah state, its people paying endlessly a debt that accrued from the time of the Moghul invasion of the 13th century onward, from the indiscriminate destruction of all the glorious achievements of the Abbassid caliphs to the Gulf war and seemingly beyond. For the future, there is only conjecture. Internal and external injustices live on, the basic ingredients of suspicion, internal dissent, murder and power mania remain, tragically, as prevalent as ever.
Background to a dictatorship
History has a habit of repeating itself in the Middle East. A century ago, the Roman concept of Greater Syria was revived by bright-eyed Arab nationalists, a concept that brought together all the disparate races and ideologies of an area that stretched from Alexandretta to Sinai, from the Mediterranean to the central deserts of the peninsula. The modern world must hope that old ambitions are not revived in the present.
The crux of political power in present-day Syria, as in Iraq, is the Baath Party.
With the death of President Hafez Asad, claims to the earlier glories of the Arab caliphate begin to surface once more. They may not be spelled out aloud by contestants for his seat in Damascus, but they are never far from the surface of debate..
A brief summary of the modern historical background may not be out of place:
Syria, like its British-created neighbour Iraq, emerged from WW1 as a province of the defeated Ottoman Empire, the former tied by historical links and secret wartime agreements to France, the latter to Britain.
Before that war started both had sharpened their clandestine skills through Committees set up in Damascus and Baghdad with the aim of throwing off the Turkish yoke. As the Young Turks met in Paris to plot the overthrow of the Sultan Abdul Hamid, young Arab officers and intellectuals, members of Al Ahad and Al Fattah, military and civil wings of the islamic Covenant, met in the Arab capitals and even set up offices in Paris and London, with the object of creating a revolutionary movement that would be led by Arab officers serving in the Turkish army.
When the war ended and the Turkish empire was carved up by the victorious powers, it transpired that Britain and France had entered into three separate and conflicting agreements with the peoples of those lands.
1 In 1915-16 Britain and France entered into the secret Sykes-Picot agreement. Britain was recognised as the dominant power in the regions (vilayets) of Basra and Baghdad (ancient Iraq), Mosul (Kurdistan), a proposed buffer state called Transjordan, and Palestine. France was to control the old vilayets of Damascus and Haleb (Aleppo). The agreement was signed also by the other Entente power, imperial Russia, which was given Constantinople (Istanbul). The Russian revolution intervened, however, Lenin divulging the details before the war ended.
2 In 1916, Britain and France concluded discussions with the Sherif of Mecca, with whose family Lord Kitchener had begun discussions early in 1914, aimed at bringing the steward of Islam's holy cities of Mecca and Madina over to Britain's side should Turkey, the keeper of the Caliphate, take Germany's side in a war against Britain. Those discussions led to the so-called Sharifian agreement by which all the territories in and around the Arabian peninsula were to be governed by the Sharif and his sons with the exception of 'the districts of Mersina and Alexandretta and portions of Syria lying to the west of the districts of Damascus, Hama, Homs and Aleppo'. Thus, the Lebanon and the coastal strip of Palestine were specifically excluded. Those districts could not be said to be 'purely Arab'.
3 The Balfour Declaration of 1917 promising Palestine to the Jews as a national home (a territory defined by Lloyd George as the biblical region from Dan to Beersheba), a measure that was intended initially to gain the support of Russian and American Jewry in brining the USA into the war.
In 1919 Britain invited Abdullah, the Sharif's second son, to become king in Baghdad while Faisal, the third son, would occupy the throne of Syria. In the event, Faisal enjoyed only a brief reign in Damascus where Arab nationalist proclaimed an independent kingdom of Greater Syria. But the San Remo Conference confirmed a French mandate (1920) and Lebanon was included in the area of French control. The Amir Faisal was ousted and French troops occupied Damascus. In 1921, Winston Churchill became Colonial Secretary in the dying months of the Lloyd George coalition, established a Middle East Department and set out to achieve some kind of resolution of the contradictory wartime promises his department inherited. At the Cairo Conference which he convened in January 1921, the frontiers and rulers of the Arab states were determined. France, whose administration was essentially colonial, would have nothing to do with Sharifian sovereignty. Britain, largely at the instigation of Gertrude Bell, made Faisal king of the newly created state of Iraq (March 1921). Abdullah was offered the Amirship of the new state of Transjordan.
It is against that background of imposed order that the modern politics of Syria and its neighbours evolved.
Divide and rule was the basis of French policy and there was plenty of scope for Machiavellian schemes in a country that was not only divided into Christian and Moslem faiths, but into innumerable factions within those faiths. Differences in attitude between the mandatory powers in Syria and the Lebanon on the one hand and Iraq and Palestine on the other were best exemplified by language. The French acted as colonisers first and foremost, making little effort to understand local custom or language, until parts of the intelligensia in those countries often spoke French more readily than Arabic, and in some cases neglected their own language. The British on the other hand made prodigious efforts to learn Arabic and sometimes tried to adopt the customs of their hosts to the point of absurdity, of being more Arab than the Arabs; not a few apostasised to Islam, an act that the ruler of central Arabia, Ibn Saud, regarded as culturally inappropriate, if not suspect.
French mandated Syria was divided into four main districts. The Syrian Republic, Latakia, Jabal Druse, and Lebanon which, in Turkish times, had been composed of the vilayet of Beirut and the Sanjak of Lebanon. (The old Sanjak of Alexandretta was included in the mandated territory in 1921 on the condition that it was governed separately from the rest of Syria). These territories were combined and enlarged to include Tripoli, giving the country a virtually equal split between Moslem and Christian populations, with the former divided into Sunni and Shi'a factions, the latter into an uneasy alliance of Maronites, and followers of Orthodox and Catholic schisms. From the outset, the French rulers were indifferent to Moslem culture and tradition and favoured the Christians of the north. Equally, Arab nationalists despised the mandatory power and there was open revolt in 1925. At that time and in the following year Damascus was bombarded by the French.
In 1928 there were elections for a Constituent Assembly but the French were not willing to accept some of its aims, the most important of which was the concept of an indivisible unity of the old Turkish vilayets, thus making Syria, Lebanon, the Druse region and Latakia one. The embattled French tried to conclude a treaty with the leaders of the Moslem Arab population. The Assembly was dissolved in 1930 and a new Constitution imposed by France.
There were new elections in 1932 but attempts to negotiate a new treaty with the nationalists failed again. The Chamber of Deputies was suspended sine die in 1934. Disorders in the next two years by which time a left wing government, the Popular Front had succeeded in France. In 1936 a Franco-Syrian treaty was signed recognising Syria's right to independence but introducing a three-year period of status quo in which the apparatus of independent government would be created. Complications set in immediately. The Sanjak of Alexandretta was granted autonomy by the League of Nations (1937) except for foreign policy and budget which would come under Syrian control. But France with a change of government now refused to ratify the Franco-Syrian treaty. In 1939, with the German threat to France looming large, Alexandretta was returned to its old imperial ruler Turkey, an act seen by Arab nationalists as a betrayal of all the agreements that had gone before. The war was regarded by nationalists as a favourable opportunity to resist the rule of Vichy France, however, and in 1941 Syrian self rule was formally acknowledged by France, though the European administration clung to the vestigial power and British armed forces entered the country. Elections were held in August 1943 and a Syrian President of a Syrian Republic was elected - Shuqri Kuwatly. In 1945 there were more nationalist disturbances, this time put down by French troops. But shortly afterwards British and French forces withdrew. That act marked the end of imperial domination of Syria after the best part of a thousand years; since, in fact, the glories of the Umayyad caliphate and the brief dominion of Saladin during the Crusades.
The early days of independence were devoted to opposing the Hashemite (or Sharifian) rulers of Iraq and Jordan and to new attempts to dominate Lebanon economically and politically. The country was still financially dependent on France. Alliances were forged with Saudi Arabia and Egypt against Iraq, Jordan and Israel.
The 1948 war with Israel, soon after the foundation of that state, following the ending of the British mandate, left the Arab League bitterly divided and all the old regimes established by the imperial powers began to disintegrate. Several military coups occurred in quick succession in Syria:
March 1949 - led by Col. Husni Za'im
August 1949 - Col. Sami Hinnawi
December 1949 - Col. Shishaqli
Civil opposition to the military dictatorship of Shishaqli gave rise to the dissolution of the Chamber in 1951.
In 1952 all political parties were banned. New elections were held but the Nationalist opposition refused to accept the verdict. Demonstrations led to Shishaqli seeking refuge in France. Fresh elections in 1954 brought a new and broader Chamber into being and in the following year Shuqri al-Kuwatli was returned to power as President. In consequence, Syria and Egypt formed a joint military command. The Baghdad Pact increased the dependence of the region on Russia while American and Western loyalties generally rested with Israel and the wealthiest oil states, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. The influence of the Cold War became paramount. In 1956, Syria and Egypt began to accept arms from the Soviet Union.
1956 marked a watershed in the modern history of the region. The Israeli campaign in Sinai was followed by the ill-fated intervention of Britain and France at Suez. A famous Syrian act, the blowing up of the oil pipeline from the Iraqi fields to the Mediterranean earned Syria a severe rap on the knuckles by Saudi Arabia and Iraq. But its refusal to allow repairs to the pipe until Israel withdrew its troops from key areas succeeded in its aim. To a large extent, that episode exposed America's obsession with the security of oil supplies as the chief reason for its alliance with Israel and its subsequently turning a blind eye to Israeli development of a nuclear capability. In 1957 came the short lived union with Nasser's Egypt. In 1961 a new coup in Damascus brought the union to an end. New elections and a new Assembly came about in December 1961 under the Presidency of Dr Nazim Kudski.
During the 1950s a new political force in the Arab world came into prominence. Known as Baathism, it was the creation of a number of Syrian religious minorities and of members of the armed forces who opposed the earlier reactionary policies of old-guard officer. Socialist in broad principle it had some distinct similarities to English Fabianism and European social democracy, but it shared with some of the revolutionary bodies of Ottoman days such as Al Ahad and al Fattah a Pan-Arab agenda. Its founder was a Syrian Christian, Michel Aflaq, and several of its founder members were from the Shi'a sect known as Alawi. It was opposed by the Ulema, the learned men of Islam, and by the Islamic Brotherhood. All the same, the Baath Party gained force in both Syria and Iraq during the 1960s. At the international Baath Conference of 1963, the principle of workers control of industry and agriculture became an official plank of policy. Class warfare of a kind unseen in the Islamic world developed and there were severe outbreaks of rioting, especially in Aleppo, Homs and Hama, resulting in a massacre of dissidents by government forces at the latter town in 1964. Overriding everything in 1963 was the setting up of a revolutionary military council which seized control of Damascus and promptly engaged in an internal dispute that gave rise to the suppression of the pro-Egypt element of the Baath Party. A National Guard was formed. The pro-Egypt faction staged a counter attack but was put down with considerable loss of life.
Those events were followed by an attempt to bring the two great administrative arms of Baath-ism in Baghdad and Damascus together, an alliance between brothers, Iraq and Syria. There were discussions aimed at a union of the two countries and a Supreme Defence Council was set up under General Ammash. An Iraqi coup at the end of 1963 which resulted in the bombing of the presidential palace by dissident elements of the Iraq air force, ended any hope of unity of the two countries.
Nevertheless, a new constitution was adopted defining Syria as a 'democratic socialist republic'. General Hafiz was nominated President. Oil and large parts of the nation's industry were nationalised. A military court was established and Syria became effectively a one-party state with the Baathists in control.
In 1966 the almost inevitable military coup occurred led by radical army elements and the leadership of al-Baath was arrested. Aflaq the founder of the party, the President General Hafiz and the PM, Saleh al-Din Bitar, were all dismissed. A deal with Russia soon after and a loan for building a dam on the Euphrates suggested that Moscow may have played a somewhat equivocal part in the government's downfall.
At the end of 1966 another Egypto-Syrian agreement was entered into, each country guaranteeing the other support in the event of an attack.In October, Israel complained to the Security Council about constant frontier incursions. In June 1967 war broke out between Israel and the combined Arab forces of Syria, Egypt and Jordan. Famously the conflict lasted for 6 days. Most importantly, Syria lost the strategically vital Golan Heights to Israel. A UN peacekeeping force at Quneitra kept the two armies apart.The Baath Party enjoyed a revival of support in the aftermath of defeat. One of its leading lights was Hafez Asad, a graduate of the military academy in Damascus and of the Soviet Military Academy where he had trained as a pilot. He was born in 1930 at Latakia, the centre of the small but politically powerful Alawi sect and thus he was closely connected to the Baathist movement from its inception in his student days. Asad had been Air Force Commander and in 1966 was appointed Minister of Defence. In 1969 he ordered the arrest of Communist leaders and the leader of the party was exiled to Moscow.
While the struggle for power in Syria was tempered by the experiences of war, Iraq was experiencing its own internal disputes. By 1970, following the assassination of virtually the entire family of the Hashemite king Faisal and the country's ministers over some three generations, the Baathist General Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr had become President.
He was succeeded by Saddam Husain al Takriti. The latter and Asad were to lead their nations across the next thirty years as Baathist dictatorships, pursuing nationalist and vehemently opposed agendas under the guise of socialism, at times seeking help and guidance from Soviet Russia but always fending off the accusation of the mullahs and the ulema that they were embracing 'Godless Communism', united only in their determination to contain Israel and to win back lost territory.
uke Fe)+
|
|
ignant
from fooby on 2001-09-18 01:05 [#00033330]
|
|
I mainly listen to radio and read off the web, not tv.. most media is biased BS as far as I am concerned.. and the reason there arent bombs landing there now is because Bush is getting the facts and not giong to make a rash decision. dont fret.
|
|
Quoth
from Berlin on 2001-09-18 01:06 [#00033332]
|
|
f.l.e.a.: thank you very much for all of the extra info. and thank you for correcting me about the proper spelling of "Afghanistan". mad props
|
|
f.l.e.a
from NZ on 2001-09-18 01:06 [#00033333]
|
|
why did they have forged pilots licenses when they actually got their training in Florida for about a year between FEB 2000 and NOV 2000...dint they get licences given to them so they could get their 6 hours on the simulaters of the 727?? why use forged licenses then?
|
|
f.l.e.a
from NZ on 2001-09-18 01:09 [#00033336]
|
|
to quoth..by the way I was just cloned by someone posting the entire history of the Middle East..that wasn't me..I kinda like you Quoth..have read most of your insightful music related posts with a lot of interest..that's why I was a bit surprised and shocked by your misinfo is all...same goes for Syd :(
|
|
ignant
from fooby on 2001-09-18 01:11 [#00033339]
|
|
they got training to fly small commercial not the 757 or 767, plus with a forged pilots license you can pretty much walk all around the airport and do what ever you want. I.E sneak knives on board the plane get stuff onto plane without being searched. stuff like that.
|
|
f.l.e.a
from NZ on 2001-09-18 01:13 [#00033343]
|
|
to phobiazero...please I am not trying to be a nuisance..I didn't post that master's thesis on IRAQ to the board.
|
|
Quoth
from Berlin on 2001-09-18 01:13 [#00033344]
|
|
Isn't it kinda weird that America didn't see any sort of threat until it was way too late? You're not supposed to predict the future, but shouldn't one nation at least prepare for it?
|
|
ignant
from fooby on 2001-09-18 01:16 [#00033346]
|
|
americans want freedom and unfortuanelty this is a misfortune of it.
we complain when it takes to long to get on a plane and complain when we get on one to fast and it smashes into the TWC.. so what can they do? we need to look at EL-Al they have the best security not one hi-jacking or terrosts action.
|
|
f.l.e.a
from NZ on 2001-09-18 01:18 [#00033351]
|
|
iqnant..sorry but those knive were regulation size and having caught domestic flights in the US anyone could take anything onboard...I made a huge arse of myself carrying a massive bass guitar in a case onboard a flight which wouldn't even fit in the compartments so I had it proped on my knee through the entire flight...it had all my leads and cords and the lot..nobody asked me to open it....
|
|
ignant
from fooby on 2001-09-18 01:21 [#00033355]
|
|
ok then maybe they used it like this Terrorits: Hey I fly planes in Saudia Arabia, can I come up ans watch you fly big american plane.
Pilot: oh really Terrorist: Yes see here is proper identy. Pilot: well shucks alrighty. Narrarator: slowly the terroist Gains the confidence of the captin and enters cabian, all hell breaks loose.
|
|
f.l.e.a
from NZ on 2001-09-18 01:22 [#00033358]
|
|
Quoth..you have seen a lot more of the violence in Berlin I presume...yes I was in the States for four years and loved the freedom and the openness of the place..made a ton of friends..had so much fun that basically forgot to finish the degree I went to get :)...I luuuv the American people..I don't trust any Govts though..I guess I just get that being wgere I am from is all
|
|
ignant
from fooby on 2001-09-18 01:24 [#00033360]
|
|
Hey Flea: I really enjoy your opinions also and am glad to banter with you or debate, thanks.. you are ok guy in my book!!
no matter what you beleive!
|
|
f.l.e.a
from NZ on 2001-09-18 01:27 [#00033363]
|
|
that's the problem Iqnant...there's very little I do believe in..I am shall we say belief free..gets me in a lot of trouble..but that's me..I dug the exchange as well..may do so again at a later date..cheers
|
|
ignant
from fooby on 2001-09-18 01:29 [#00033367]
|
|
I still like this though its classic!!
ok then maybe they used it like this Terrorits: Hey I fly planes in Saudia Arabia, can I come up ans watch you fly big american plane.
Pilot: oh really Terrorist: Yes see here is proper identy. Pilot: well shucks alrighty. Narrarator: slowly the terroist Gains the confidence of the captian and enters cabin, all hell breaks loose.
|
|
Adobe
from who gives a hoot? on 2001-09-18 01:30 [#00033368]
|
|
"It's going to be a fun few months while we destroy them."
Huh? I mean, ....huh?.....FUN!!!! What the fuck are you on about fun?!! This isn't Rambo 4 you fucking numbsack,...it's going to be terribly painful for alot of people on a global scale...and unlike alot of people here it isnt going to be wrapped up nicely for the sunday late edition of CNN or whoever...the juvenilty of this board is fucking astounding...you should get a badge or have your points of views taken for future generations to look back and think and learn from where everything started to go wrong...
I feel sick... yeah, kick some ass, go crazy, kick your own ass...fuck Afghanistan right? I mean just fuck em right? the whole "darn" country? fucking show some sense....fuck everyone and everything...I give up :((
|
|
sloppy
from ferngygerngy on 2001-09-18 01:48 [#00033385]
|
|
Sarcasm: hey I am going to go walk into a movie theatre and blow myslef up and take out about 20-100 people, who cares where but I am doing it becase I think we are being to hard on the little animals in the forest.
Later An explosion today rocked downtown so and so, they found the suspected terrosits home PETA pamphlets and pro-animal propaganda and was known to spout off about getting even with people for there mistratment of animals and the night before was spouting off drunk about just wait till tomorrow and see Hah hah hah!
but we think the government is behind it and those crazy anti animal freaks trying to make him look bad set up by the government blah blah blah sound familiar?
|
|
thanksomuch
from over thar on 2001-09-18 04:57 [#00033495]
|
|
gonzola: just trying to shed some light 'tis all....
|
|
mommentum
from Skopje on 2001-09-18 18:59 [#00033839]
|
|
Remember how Belgrade's buildings burned?
What goes around, comes around.
work buy consume die .. include a little blowing up of the rest of the world inbetween.
|
|
Messageboard index
|
|
|
|